Olivia Events

(New Orleans) There's now an official gay and lesbian destination guide [1] for New Orleans. The Navigaytour will launch just in time for the 39th Annual Southern Decadence Festival, which welcomes on average 100,000 attendees for events over the Labor Day weekend. The 32-page guide highlights events, attractions, restaurants, bars, clubs, accommodations and neighborhoods. This year, the Navigaytour guide features the first-ever Gay History Trail Map for New Orleans. Its website says Navigaytour guides are only produced in conjunction with official tourist bureaus and Chambers of Commerce. The first was created in 2004 for Philadelphia; the group also has guides to Los Angeles, Pittsburgh, Chicago and San Diego. [1] http://www.navigaytour.com

(McGreagor, Texas) Rep. Chet Edwards, an imperiled Democrat deep in the heart of Republican territory, finds exiting American Legion Post No. 273 slow going. Supporters and well-wishers keep stopping him. The wife of a World War II veteran hugs him. Several men line up to shake his hand. Another woman talks to him for about 10 minutes, thanking him for his work on military issues, bringing jobs to this farm and ranching town of about 4,700 and, in her words, thinking for himself. "You've done a good job," said Donna Smith, 50, an office manager and a Republican who says she will vote for Edwards again this year. Later, she said Edwards "has proven himself and shown that he can get things done." "I hope people will look at him and his record," Smith said, "and not just believe what's being said about him." Edwards is in the fight of his 20-year congressional career, struggling to hold onto one of the nation's most conservative districts represented by a Democrat. Stretching for 170 miles, the central Texas district includes former President George W. Bush's ranch in Crawford; Baylor, the world's largest Baptist university, now headed by Clinton special prosecutor Kenneth Starr; and the city of Waco. "I'm used to being a target," Edwards told The Associated Press. "This year there's clearly an anti-Washington environment, and I share those frustrations. I'm sickened by the hyperpartisanship. But I'm working hard at the grass-roots level, letting my independent voting record speak for itself. That's who I am, and that's who I always will be." Edwards consistently makes the list of the most vulnerable Democrats; he hails from a district that gave Republican John McCain a whopping 67 percent of the presidential vote in 2008. Republicans again have set their sights on capturing the seat, counting on voter anger and frustration with a slow-moving economic recovery and slumping approval numbers for President Barack Obama to lift GOP candidates. Edwards is among dozens of Democrats who have bucked their party on some elements of Obama's agenda - the stimulus package, health care overhaul or the climate change bill. Edwards' lengthy tenure - he was elected in 1990 - and his work as chairman of the House Appropriations subcommittee on military construction and veterans affairs has translated into federal money for his district. But in a year of voter discontent with soaring deficits, the effort is more of a liability than a strength. As the campaign becomes increasingly toxic for Democrats, none of it may matter. Some of the most senior Democrats in conservative districts are facing what could be their most difficult races: Missouri's 17-term Rep. Ike Skelton, chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, and South Carolina's 14-term Rep. John Spratt, chairman of the House Budget Committee. Even Democrats who, like Edwards, voted against the health care and climate change bills are locked in tough races because they are being linked to Obama and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Georgia Rep. Jim Marshall and South Dakota Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin join Edwards on the list. "Jim Marshall's days are numbered because of his continued support of Nancy Pelosi and her agenda of backroom deals, hocus-pocus economics and massive government spending," Marshall's opponent, former Georgia legislator Austin Scott, wrote on his website. Directly in GOP crosshairs are roughly four dozen Democrats in districts that McCain won in 2008. That's one part of any GOP calculation to reclaiming the House. Edwards, like other vulnerable Democrats, has distanced himself from Obama and Pelosi on several votes, including repeal of the "don't ask/don't tell" policy on gays in the military. Just two years after Edwards was on Obama's short list of vice presidential candidates, he did not appear with the president or Pelosi during their recent, separate fundraisers in Texas. Instead, Edwards campaigned with former Bush administration Veterans Affairs Secretary Anthony Principi and three retired Army generals. Edwards' closest race was in 2004, when he was the only Texas Democrat in a competitive race to keep his seat after the GOP-led redrawing of the state's congressional districts - winning with just 51 percent. This year Edwards faces oil and gas executive Bill Flores, who said he is confident he can win his first run for public office with support from Republicans and tea party activists. "Americans are reawakened because the Democratic takeover caused them to pay attention, and the execution of the Obama-Pelosi agenda has really frightened Americans," Flores said. He significantly trails Edwards in fundraising, reporting about $415,300 in cash on hand as of June 30, compared with Edwards' $2.14 million-plus, according to the Federal Election Commission. Flores, like other Republicans trying to unseat Democrats in conservative districts nationwide, is portraying his opponent as a Washington insider who fully backs the "failing liberal agenda" of Obama and Pelosi. In what's shaping up to be a nasty campaign, Flores has said Edwards should return $42,000 in campaign donations from New York Rep. Charlie Rangel, who faces trial in the House on ethics charges. Edwards says Flores is harping on Democrats instead of explaining his comments that suggest a lack of experience and knowledge of the issues. Edwards has criticized Flores' plan to send veterans to the private sector instead of VA hospitals. He also questioned Flores' call to eliminate the Energy Department, arguing it would thwart expansion of a nuclear plant that would create 5,000 jobs and undercut research at Texas A&M University. The Democrat also said he has not received any more money from Rangel and has spent the previous donations. "I've voted for the straight Republican ticket every time, but now I feel like I've wasted my votes (for Edwards' opponents). This time I'm going to vote for Chet," said Edwin Sulak, a transmission company owner who attended an Edwards campaign event last week. "I like what he's done for veterans and for jobs in our area." Roy Rost of McGregor said he usually votes for GOP candidates and has consistently voted for Edwards - but probably won't this year. "I don't like how things are going in Washington, all the spending, and I don't know where the money is going to come from," Rost said.

(Sacramento)  A California court has refused to order Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and Attorney General Jerry Brown to appeal a ruling that overturned the state's gay marriage ban. The 3rd District Court of Appeal on Wednesday denied a conservative legal group's request to force the officials to defend voter-approved Proposition 8. Presiding Justice Arthur Scotland did not explain why the appeals court turned down the request filed two days earlier by the Pacific Justice Institute. The institute now plans to take the matter to the California Supreme Court, Chief Counsel Kevin Snider said Thursday. "We are disappointed that the appellate court showed indecisiveness in trying to prevent a constitutional crisis," Snider said. "They didn't want to deal with it." The institute maintains the attorney general and governor have the duty to uphold all laws, including those passed by voters. Brown has said he cannot defend Proposition 8 because he thinks it is unconstitutional; Schwarzenegger has chosen to remain neutral. Chief U.S. District Judge Vaughn Walker struck down Proposition 8 last month as a violation of gay Californians' civil rights. The measure approved by 52 percent of California voters in November 2008 amended the state Constitution to outlaw same-sex unions five months after the state Supreme Court legalized them. The state has until Sept. 11 to challenge Walker's ruling. Both Brown and Schwarzenegger have said they don't plan an appeal. The coalition of conservative and religious groups that sponsored the ban has appealed the ruling by Walker. But doubts have been raised about whether its members have authority to do so because as ordinary citizens they are not responsible for enforcing marriage laws. Twenty-seven members of the California Assembly sent Schwarzenegger a letter this week urging the governor to bring an appeal if Brown will not.

[1] Oh, Alvin Greene [2]. Never leave the political scene! It would be a frightfully dull world without you. The South Carolina Democrat is accused of using racist and anti-gay slurs against a fellow Democrat.Dottie Sue Maggart-Feldmen, a former campaign aide to the Senate nominee, charges when she and Greene were in a car, he called an activist a "fat white faggot." Maggart-Feldman resigned over the alleged remark and left a voicemail  describing the incident for Will Bigger, the activist Greene was displeased with. Bigger organized a campaign event for Greene this past Monday. The candidate disputes the former aide's charge, describing her as "a troublemaker, a troublemaker. And that's all." Bigger isn't sure who to believe. "You try to do a public service for people. You try to respect the dignity of a campaign and this is what you get. There doesn't seem to be any honesty in politics anymore," Bigger offered. Greene has blazed a weird path ever since he won the nomination to run against U.S. Sen. Jim DeMint and Green Party candidate Tom Clements. There is his recent indictment [3] on showing porn to a college student. Earlier in the summer he suggested making action figures [4] of himself would be a way revive the South Carolina economy. [1] http://www.365gay.com/wp-content/uploads/Alvin-Greene-top.jpg [2] http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com/2010/09/former-staffer-accuses-alvin-greene-of-using-anti-white-slurs.php [3] http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2010/08/alvin_greene_indicted_on_obscenity_charges.php [4] http://www.thetakeaway.org/2010/jul/08/alvin-greene-im-true-american-hero/

It’s the first day of class, and I enter my lecture hall as I usually do, skirting the periphery until I reach the door that leads me discreetly backstage. The room is a “teaching theater,” and while I could walk right up to the stage, I’m enough of a drama queen to prefer emerging onstage from the wings just before class starts. I step out onto the stage for a brief moment, fiddling with the computer to boot up the powerpoint. As the huge screen behind me comes alive, I feel a bit like the Wizard of Oz without his curtain. Then I dart back offstage to collect my thoughts. 11:45 am. I emerge finally and walk briskly out to center stage. 150 new faces. “Good morning!” I enjoy the first day of class, probably because I enjoy what I do for a living so much. I wouldn’t say that I get nervous, but there is a certain tension, invigorating and familiar. What will this class’s “personality” be? (Every class has one, just as surely as each student does.) How will they react to me and to one another? My university is wonderfully diverse, and my classes reflect that. I scan the room and see students of all colors, of various ages, dressed every which way. There are nerds and jocks, preppies and punks. I spot a number of women in Muslim headscarves—some wearing all black, others in striking colors. I see at least one man wearing an Indian turban. Last semester’s class included a Buddhist monk, his deep orange robes making him easy to find in the crowd. It’s not until later in the day that I think about “the gay thing,” when I pass a former student walking across campus and he gives me a bright “Hello.” “Peter” had set off my “gaydar” when he took my class, but he was shy—almost painfully so—and from a culture where such things are seldom discussed. He visited my office once to discuss his work, but he didn’t bring up personal matters and I didn’t pry. Today, he seems far more comfortable with himself, and I wonder about his journey. I respond to Peter’s greeting, but we both seem hurried. Maybe next time we’ll talk more. I’m openly gay on my campus, as in my life more generally. I’m the faculty co-advisor of our GLBTA, and any student who Googles my name will find my column and other gay-themed material. But what about the students who don’t? I want them, too, to know that I’m gay. Maybe some of them are gay themselves, and need to know that they’re not alone. (This I imagine to be Peter’s situation.) Maybe they have gay family members, or maybe they just need their assumptions challenged. How do I bring it up? I’m not going to put it on the syllabus. (“Dr. Corvino, Associate Professor of Philosophy and Open Homosexual; Office Hours…) In some classes it comes up more naturally than others: Contemporary Moral Issues, for instance. Still, it has to be handled right. “Not only do I write about gay issues, I’m also gay” feels a bit like “Not only am I the Hair Club president, I’m also a client,” except without the before-and-after photos. (“My goodness, his homosexuality looks so natural…virtually undetectable!”) I want sexual orientation to be a “non-issue,” but I also recognize that in many parts of society—including parts of my campus—we are not there yet. I spend a lot of time thinking about how to get us there, which means that, paradoxically, my “non-issue” is very much an issue. Suppose that my coming out during a given lecture means that I “lose” 25% of the class for the next five minutes as they chew on this new bit of information. (Judging from their facial expressions when I do come out, I think 25% lost is a fair estimate.) I want to be a good gay role model, but I also want to be a good teacher. A lecturer’s effectiveness depends in part on audience reaction. In this respect teaching is like many other professions: think of salesmen, actors, or writers. When personal characteristics get in an audience’s way — in this instance, by distracting from course content — they become relevant to job performance. At the same time, part of my job as a philosophy teacher is to push people to challenge their presuppositions. As Socrates taught us, education isn’t always about making people comfortable—often, it requires just the opposite. So I come out in class, but I choose carefully when and how. I’ll use examples that make my orientation clear, without making gayness the point of the example. I’ll bring up the subject with a casual, matter-of-fact tone, even while my words are painstakingly selected. Am I overthinking this? Perhaps so. But I’m a philosophy professor, after all. And I love what I do. John Corvino, Ph.D. is an author, speaker, and philosophy professor at Wayne State University in Detroit. His column “The Gay Moralist” appears Fridays at 365gay.com [1]. To learn more or see clips from his DVD, visit www.johncorvino.com [2]. [1] http://365gay.com/ [2] http://www.johncorvino.com/

[1] Just a reminder that in less than a week the 365Gay.com book club begins with  Secret Historian [2]. Here are the dates for the chapters. September 8: chapters 1,2 and 3; September 15: chapters 4, 5 and 6;  September 22: chapters 7, 8 and 9;  September 29: chapters 10, 11 and 12; October 6: chapters 13, 14 and 15; October 13: chapters, 15, 17 and 18; October 20: chapter 19 to the end (including the afterword). [1] http://www.365gay.com/wp-content/uploads/Steward-top.jpg [2] http://www.365gay.com../blog/blog/072710-the-biography-of-a-sexual-outlaw-and-historian/

Principal Garry Martin of Le Page Primary School in Melbourne, Australia has gained national news attention for changing the words in a children’s song. The principal asked to the children to remove the word gay in the classic children’s song "Kookaburra Sits in the Old Gum Tree." The song about a native Australian bird is a favorite around campfires from New Zealand to Canada.  When teaching a group of elementary students the lyrics, Martin told them that gay had two meanings, so they should change the line from “gay your life must be” to “fun your life must be.” [1] Martin claims that the change was to keep the children from laughing during the song; he told the Associated Press, "It wasn't misplaced political correctness, it wasn't homophobia, there was nothing really calculated in doing it." After one student relayed the change to his or her parents, Martin’s choice exploded into controversy, alerting local LGBT organizations. Crusader Hillis, CEO of the gay and lesbian advocacy group The Also Foundation, states that the controversy and attention that this story is getting is well founded. "It sends a signal to people that just because a word has two meanings, that one of those meanings is unacceptable and that's really putting us backwards," Hillis said. Principal Martin admits that his decision is a mistake and plans to teach the children the difference that words can have across generations. [1] http://www.365gay.com/wp-content/uploads/news-kookaburra-top.jpg

While the First Family vacationed in Martha’s Vineyard, the Oval Office [1] got a facelift.  Obama appointed designer Michael Smith, who is gay, to the Committee for the Preservation of the White house in February.  The renovation included new chairs, new lamps, new wallpaper and reupholstered couches.  The new look debuted during the President's address from the Oval Office last Tuesday. Visit msnbc.com for breaking news [2], world news [3], and news about the economy [4] The revamp, it was made clear, did not come from taxpayers money, rather was paid for by the non-profit White House Historical Foundation.  Smith, has been featured in 'Elle Décor', 'W', and 'Architectural Digest'. [1] http://news.yahoo.com/nphotos/Oval-Office-Renovations/ss/events/pl/083110ovaloffice#photoViewer=/100831/480/urn_publicid_ap_org9d32747fe3e144ee9be87a1616deac77 [2] http://www.msnbc.msn.com [3] http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3032507 [4] http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3032072

I want to broaden the focus this week from the usual legal analysis of the LGBT movement in the U.S., and ask this question: What’s really at stake in the pending anti-homosexuality bill in Uganda? As readers of this site likely know, proposed legislation in that country would make certain kinds of homosexual behavior punishable by death, while seriously criminalizing other acts. For the increasingly visible LGBT community in Uganda, of course, the stakes couldn’t be higher. But what happens there – whether this law gets passed, and if so, how much it’s enforced – could have huge repercussions for the international human rights movement, and possibly even for the advance of our rights here in the U.S. Let’s start by looking at how this ugly piece of legislation originated: with the “counsel” and support of some American fundamentalists, who have made company with Ugandan politicians and its leader, President Yoweri Museveni (somehow overlooking that he’s a dictator) because of what Jeff Sharlet has called “the evangelical zeal of his regime.” Sharlet’s long-form article  in this month’s Harper’s is compelling reading. He connects the dots between the mysterious American evangelic group [1] known as “the Family” or “the Fellowship” and its Ugandan equivalent, which is ensconced within its Parliament. Frustrated by their failure to create a government sufficiently grounded in Christianity, U.S. “Family” members have tried, like big tobacco before them, to export their product to places where it still sells. Members include high-profile men like former AG John Ashcroft and Rick Warren, who infamously delivered the invocation at Obama’s Administration. According to David Bahati, the Ugandan member of Parliament who introduced the legislation, Warren told his Ugandan brethren that “homosexuality is a sin and that we should fight it.” There’s no evidence, of course, that American evangelicals want to kill us. But at least some of the most fundamentalist among them do want to eradicate homosexuality by curing it. Others would be satisfied stuffing us back into the closet. Since the first is a marginal and mostly ridiculed failure, and the second effort is collapsing by the day, perhaps these men think that success in a place like Uganda will one day be transported back to the U.S., even if in some watered-down form. Or maybe they’re just frustrated and looking for others with whom they find common ground. As I’ve written [2],  some (but not all) of the evangelicals who met with Ugandan leaders shortly before this unspeakable bill was introduced have beaten a full retreat; others, not so much. (Read especially about one Scott Lively, who seems, well, sinfully proud of his effort.) But the blood of our LGBT brothers and sisters is already on their hands: the scapegoating of sexual minorities that has accompanied the introduction of this bill has already led to such atrocities as “corrective rape” – which is supposed to have the effect of making a lesbian into a straight woman and violent and, according to the article, was carried out under clerical supervision in at least one harrowing case. None of these domestic evangelicals are idiots (except morally), and can’t have been surprised at the product of their toxic rhetoric. In a larger sense, this struggle is but a piece of a much broader conflict between the liberalism (both religious and secular) of the human rights community and the forces that resist modernity – in this context, I found particularly telling one Ugandan’s worry that the iPod, of all things, was an insidious agent of gay recruiting. Fundamentalist Christians and radical Muslims are the two most visible examples of these reactionary forces, but their ability to attract a huge global audience speaks to a primal fear of threats and change that many understand little and like even less. In Uganda itself, as Sharlet notes, “the homosexual” serves as a convenient bogeyman for the dictator to use to hold onto his power. The advances of the LGBT movement here in the U.S. can lead us to forget that things are much worse in many parts of the world. Even at the U.N. level, there are currently competing statements [3] about how to treat sexual minorities, with mostly the Western countries (and, since early in the Obama Administration, the U.S.) supporting gay and gender identity rights as part of the broader recognition of human rights while a number of other nations (mostly in the Middle East and Africa, and including Uganda) have signed onto a counter-statement that, among other misstatements, links homosexuality to pedophilia. There’s so much work to do, and the most critical of it isn’t here at home. But it’s hard to know what to do about these atrocities taking place so far from us, both geographically and culturally. John Culhane is Professor of Law and Director of the Health Law Institute at Widener University School of Law in Wilmington, Del. He blogs about the role of law in everyday life, and about a bunch of other things at: http://wordinedgewise.org [4]. [1] http://www.harpers.org/archive/2010/09/0083101 [2] http://wordinedgewise.org/?p=663 [3] http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/19/world/19nations.html?_r=1 [4] http://wordinedgewise.org/